The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean

<plain_text><page sequence="1">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean* T. M. BENADY The British Isles and Morocco, both situated on the western edge of the old Mediterranean world, have been linked by trade since early times. Moroccans have not traditionally been ocean sailors, as their long Atlantic coastline faced miles of endless watery waste and held no attractions prior to the discovery of America. But Englishmen have been keen Atlantic sailors, and Morocco became the first non-European country with which some British people had direct contact. It was enshrined in popular imagination as an exotic and very rich country, as the legend of Dick Whittington bears out - although the story represents the percep? tions of the 16th rather than the 14th century, when the historical Whittington was thrice Lord Mayor of London. A country of high mountains, deserts and fertile plains, cut off from close contacts with the north by the Spanish Reconquista, and from the east by the long rivalry with the Ottoman Empire, Morocco became a conservative and inward looking country from the late Middle Ages onwards. The isolation was intensified by the tenacious hold on the popular culture of Sufi mysticism which became an important political force.1 Since 1510 Morocco has been ruled by two dynasties, both of them founded by country sheikhs from the south with conservative attitudes. Until the English and Dutch entered on the scene in the 16th and 17th centur? ies, foreign trade was conducted largely by the Genoese. It is hardly surprising that in this very conservative and psychologically isolated country much of the organization of the internal trade was in the hands of the ancient but cosmopolitan Jewish community.2 The Jewish community of Morocco was heavily depleted in the Almohade persecutions of the 12th century, but was afterwards considerably reinforced by successive waves of immigrants from Spain. Many Jews in 12th-century Spain wished to find refuge from Almohade persecution in an environment where they would pass unnoticed, where their real religion was not inquired into too closely, and their personal customs would not be scrutinized. (They were even less happy in the Christian parts of Spain, as the peregrinations of a family such as that of Maimonides show.) Substantial Jewish migrations from Spain followed the * Paper presented to the Society on 19 November 1992. 45</page><page sequence="2">T. M. Benady persecutions of 1391 (inspired unwittingly by Francis Xavier) and, of course, the expulsion in 1492. In the coastal cities, particularly Tetuan and Sale, colonies of Andaluzes, Spanish Muslims who arrived in the years after the fall of Granada, were reinforced by Spanish-speaking Moriscos after their expulsion in 1609. Elizabethan trade with Morocco consisted mainly of the export of cloth and firearms, and the import of sugar. Sugar was a royal monopoly in Morocco and its production in the hands of Jews.3 The name of one of these Jewish sugar producers is given as Isaac Cabesa, 'a famous and jolie merchant', who rented three sugar houses for a year from the king at a rent of 50,000 ounces of silver. Given the considerable amount of trade he transacted he may well have been the leading sugar exporter to England in the middle of the 16th century.4 He is probably to be identified with the Portuguese Converso of that name who is reported in 1537 to have reverted to Judaism in Azemmour.5 Tetuan was founded by Muslims fleeing Granada in 1485, but its population was considerably reinforced by refugees after Granada fell in 1492. It soon became an important corsair centre. The Moriscos expelled from Spain after 1609 settled mainly in Sale and Tetuan, and they too found ways of earning their living - and an outlet for the strong grudge they bore Christians and Spaniards in particular - by joining the corsairs operating from these ports. For almost two centuries, until the Sultan Sidi Mohammed halted the activities of the corsairs in 1777,6 the problems of ransoming captives from the corsairs and trying to establish terms preventing British ships from molestation, were to dominate relations between Britain and Morocco. For a time, Charles I considered supporting an independent republic of Sale, but relations with the central authorities in Morocco were too important, despite the anarchic state of the country, to imperil them by bestowing recognition on a small group of rebels.7 Tetuan, the main trading port of Morocco, controlled most of the trade with the interior, which consisted of goods brought from Fez by caravan. It was prob? ably the most cosmopolitan city in the country, and had been founded in 1485 by al-Mandari, a noble refugee of the Abencerrage party from Granada, under the suzerainty of the Kadi of Chechouan, with the aim of protecting the frontier from Portuguese incursions from Ceuta. The original settlers were joined by Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 and by Spanish-speaking Moriscos after 1609. Tetuan retained a precarious autonomy, only occasionally acknowledging the direct rule of the emperor, until it came under the direct control of the Alaouite, Moulay Rachid, in 1667.8 Tangier As British involvement in the Western Mediterranean increased, the Jewish con? nection became stronger. In 1661 Tangier was ceded to England by Portugal as part of Catherine of Braganza's marriage dowry for Charles II. When the Earl of Peterborough took possession of the place on 30 January 1662, he found that of 46</page><page sequence="3">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean the previous inhabitants only a few poor Portuguese, some monks and a few families of Jews remained. The Jews were described as: 'A kind of retailing dealers which in the infancie of our settlement were not unuseful to the Garrison, the men whereof were altogether ignorant and helpless as to furnish themselves with any of these accomodacions necessary to humane life'.9 An English visitor to Tangier in 1674 found the Jews divided into two distinct groups: poor natives, whose synagogue did not even have a Scroll of the Law, and a European commun? ity led by Abraham Cohen, a native of Amsterdam and a Shabbatean, who had lived in Sale for many years and who provided a synagogue for the Europeans in his house.10 There was little harmony between the two groups, and the Moroccan Jews accused the Europeans, who were of Converso descent, of trading in articles prohibited by Jewish law. In 1675 the Beth Din of Tetuan excommunicated the European Jews of Tang? ier, at the request of the Moroccan congregation, for drinking ritually unfit wine and for importing pork - presumably salted in barrels and intended to supply the needs of the garrison, a staple of the English Army overseas and of the Royal Navy until the 19th century. The Governor, the Earl of Inchiquin, insisted that this Herem be lifted. No doubt he was concerned at the effect that interference by Rabbi Jacob Aboab and Rabbi Isaac Bibas of Tetuan might have on the garrison's supplies.11 As the garrison of Tangier was constantly at war with the Moroccans, the Jews of that country were suspect as enemy nationals and were expelled in December 1677; but their role in conducting trade was considered so important that they were readmitted in 1680, although hostilities were then at their height.12 Solomon Pariente, 'the Rich Jew', who was probably a native of Fez, was the trusted inter? preter of four successive governors.13 Tangier was abandoned by Charles II in 1684. Gibraltar The loss of Tangier was considered detrimental to British trade; but Gibraltar was captured in 1704, and although at first it was held in the name of the Arch? duke Charles, the pretender to the Spanish throne, many voices in England were raised for its more complete retention. The first governors of the Rock were appointed in the name of the pretender, but John Methuen, the English minister in Portugal who was in charge of financing Allied operations in the Peninsula during the War of the Spanish Succession, insisted on an English officer being appointed to the post.14 Major-General Shrimpton was an absentee governor, and the place was left in charge of the senior English officer, Colonel Roger Elliott, a Tangier veteran.15 As the surrounding countryside maintained its allegiance to Philip V, the Bour? bon wearer of the Spanish crown, the difficulty of supply became an important problem. Tetuan, only 35 miles away and within sight of the Rock, became the 47</page><page sequence="4">T. M. Benady main source of fresh food and building materials, and a community of Jewish traders was soon established in the fortress. There was also a need for craftsmen and labourers.16 The theatre of war subsequently moved to the eastern coast of Spain and the Portuguese frontier, and Elliott (appointed governor by Queen Anne in December 1707, a few days after the death of Shrimpton17) was left in charge of an isolated backwater, which he ran with virtually no interference and in a way that suited his own whims and pocket. His venality worried the Secretary of State who feared he might even be tempted to sell the fortress to the enemy.18 While encouraging foreigners (Spaniards, Genoese and Jews) to settle, Elliott made them pay for the privilege, and his exactions bore particularly heavily on Jewish merchants, who had to find '2 Moedas of Gold per month'. When he was not satisfied with this poll tax, and thought it 'fitt to raise a large sum from the Jews, there was an order on the church door with the names of about 4 or 5 at a time, ordering them immediately to leave the Towne; which they not being willing to do, were obliged to raise two or three Moedas of Gold each man for leave to stay'.19 But the Jews in Gibraltar were not without friends in high places, in the form of Abraham Ben Hattar, the treasurer to the Emperor of Morocco, Mulay Ismael. In the Moroccan Court, Ben Hattar was a supporter of commercial relations with England, in contrast to his father-in-law, the nagid Maimaran, who advocated closer relations with France. Ben Hattar maintained strong trading links with Moses Mocatta in London, and had an agent in Gibraltar, Samuel Alevy ben Zephat. Mocatta spent long periods in Gibraltar in the second decade of the 18th century.20 When the governor's exactions became excessive, Morocco retaliated by restricting the supplies permitted to be shipped to Gibraltar. In 1711, therefore, the engineer Colonel Joseph Bennett was sent on a mission to Morocco to obtain much-needed building materials for the repair of the fortifications, but was told in no uncertain terms that the governor was expected to give better treatment to Moroccan subjects in Gibraltar, both Muslims and Jews. Yet Elliott had by now been replaced as governor, and there seemed to be no problems until the presence of Jews was raised during negotiations connected with the Treaty of Utrecht, which would end the war and, inter alia, cede Gibraltar to Britain. A survey carried out in 1712 by the Inspectors of the Army showed that Jews paid rents for over a third of the properties in the town. Two years later the number of Jews in the garrison was given as 100 natives of Barbary and some 50 from England, Holland and Italy.21 Moroccan Jews were conducting an entrepot trade with their own country on behalf of European merchants (Jewish and Christian), but, more importantly, also controlled the supply of fresh food from Morocco required by the garrison. In spite of objections by the British Govern? ment, Article 10 of the Treaty of Utrecht contained the proviso that 'her Britannic Majesty at the request of the Catholic King does consent and agree that no leave shall be given under any pretence whatsoever either to Jews or Moors to reside 48</page><page sequence="5">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean or have their dwellings in the said town of Gibraltar.' When the treaty was signed the British ambassador in Madrid conveyed the British Government's instructions to the Lieutenant-Governor of Gibraltar, that he should comply with its terms. But this could not be done unless alternative supplies were secured from Spain. Colonel Congreve entered into discussions with Lieutenant-Colonel Perez, who commanded the Spanish forces at the frontier, for the supply of fresh provisions; but the matter was not resolved until the arrival of Stanhope Cotton, the new Lieutenant-Governor. After discussions with the authorities in Madrid the open? ing of the frontier for supplies paved the way for implementing the terms of the treaty. The process was complicated by the refusal of Mulay Ismael to release a number of British captives of the Sale rovers until Britain complied with the terms agreed for the release of a previous batch. Vice-Admiral Cornwall arrived in 1716, to command the Strait Squadron. He was warned by Addison to take particular care 'least the garrison and inhabitants of Gibraltar should suffer by any such suspension or prohibition of commerce'.22 Nevertheless, he pressed for the expulsion of the Jews from Gibraltar, and, impa? tient with Moroccan delay in releasing the captives, commenced a blockade of Moroccan ports. He also confiscated brimstone and other stores of war intended for the emperor, causing a disruption of trade that produced a break in relations between the two countries, exacerbated by the expulsion of the Jews from Gibral? tar in 1717.23 Ben Hattar was involved in the negotiations on behalf of the emperor.24 One of the other Jewish merchants who took part was Jacob de Salvador Cansino, who belonged to a family which after its expulsion from Oran in 1669, had divided its interests between Leghorn and Morocco and had subsequently settled perman? ently in Gibraltar and Minorca.25 In 1718 Moses Mocatta presented a petition to George I, asking to be allowed to break the blockade and continue his exports to Tetuan, and requesting that the Governor of Gibraltar and the Commander of the Strait Squadron should be instructed to allow him to do so.26 This petition must have been favourably received, for on 8 August of that year he wrote to James Craggs, Secretary of State for the Southern Department: 'By virtue of the Letter of Permision obtained by your honour ... I am about setting out for Tetuan by way of Gibraltar, where I have very good reason to expect a good introduction with the Basha, as also with Abenatar both persons very considerable in the Court of Morocco, by whose means I hope to have the good fortune to procure an overture for peace your honour having been pleased to give me leave: butt I humbly conceive it necessary I may be directed to whom I may acquaint if the Moors be forward for it as I believe they are by the intelligence I have from thence.'27 Mocatta's efforts to bring both sides together were successful. The outbreak of war between Britain and Spain in 1718, which led to the closing of the frontier with Spain, no doubt contributed to the readmission of the Jews in spite of 49</page><page sequence="6">T. M. Benady Utrecht. After an abortive visit to Meknes by Captain Norbury RN, Commodore Charles Stewart was sent with full plenipotentiary powers in 1720. Negotiations with Basha Hamet of Tetuan and Moses Ben Hattar led to the treaty being signed by the basha in January 1721, and subsequently confirmed by the emperor when Stewart visited Fez.28 Mocatta, however, did not emerge from the negotiations unscathed; he was imprisoned in Ceuta 'for near ten months' until intervention by the British Gov? ernment in March 1721 had him released. It is likely that while on his way back to Gibraltar from Tetuan, his boat was sunk or swamped in heavy weather off Punta Almina and that he took refuge in Ceuta. This was the only Spanish possession where the presence of Jews was permitted until the 18th century, but the 26-year siege laid by Moroccan forces in 1694 curtailed the economic role of its Jewish inhabitants as traders between Spain and Morocco; and a new bishop who was a strong supporter of the Inquisition had them expelled in 1707.29 Another intermediary and a translator was Isaac Netto, then living in Gibraltar as a merchant, who was mentioned and commended by Ben Hattar and who subsequently acted as secretary to Colonel Hargrave, Commander-in-Chief from 1721 to 1725. When the Spaniards besieged Gibraltar in 1727 Netto was given the monopoly of food importing from Morocco, which he exercised until after the death of his father, Haham David Nieto, in 1728. He then returned to London and four years later was himself appointed Haham at Bevis Marks in succession to his father. Isaac Netto founded the first permanent synagogue in Gibraltar.30 His brother, Phineas, seems to have spent a considerable time in Morocco and to have acted as intermediary with Basha Hamet of Tetuan, with whom he appears to have had a close relationship.31 The best known of the Jewish intermediaries between Gibraltar and Morocco was Abraham Benider, who acted as secretary and translator to both Stewart and Russell, and became 'linguist' to Sabine while he was governor of Gibraltar.32 During Hargrave's second period in command Benider exercised the monopoly of importing fresh beef from Morocco, although by then he was persona non grata in Tetuan due to his close connections with Basha Hamet who had been expelled by the people in 1727.33 His son Jacob, who had been born in Gibraltar, was for a time British vice-consul in Mogador and was sent to England by the emperor on an embassy. When he arrived in London, however, the British Government refused to accept his ambassadorial status because of his British nationality but allowed him to perform his mission in other respects.34 Other Gibraltar Jews acted as consular representatives in Moroccan ports, including Isaac Cohen Lara, born in London, who was vice-consul in Tangier from 1741 to 1752 and at Areola from 1752 to 1755.35 Others acted for the Moroccan authorities. At the time of the great siege (1779), Jonah de Abram Pariente, who was born in Morocco, was acting as the emperor's agent in Gibraltar.36 50</page><page sequence="7">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean The treaty negotiated by Ben Hattar in 1720, which confirmed the resettlement of Jews in Gibraltar, included two articles which were of particular interest to the Jewish community. Article 7 gave English merchants full rights of settlement and trade in Morocco, and asserts: 'that the subjects of the Emperor of Fez and Morocco, whether Moors or Jews, residing in the dominions of the King of Great Britain, shall entirely enjoy the same privileges that are granted to the English residing in Barbary.' Article 9 provided reciprocal capitulation rights and stated that Moorish subjects in British possessions would have their domestic disputes judged by one of their number: 'A Moor for the Moors and a Jew for the Jews'. In addition, Article 13 provided that all residents of Gibraltar, whether English, Spanish or otherwise (including, obviously, Moroccan Jews), should 'be esteemed' as 'natural-born subjects' of the king, 'upon producing proper passes, from the governors or commanders in chief'.37 There was no formal process of denization in Gibraltar during the 18th century, but the governor's permit of residence made up for the lack, although it is doubtful whether its validity would have extended to within Britain or have been recognized by the courts in England. But to the best of my knowledge it was never tested, and the only definition I have seen used was that of 'His Majesty's natural born subject', which refers to their descendants born in Gibraltar. Whatever its deficiencies, this system gave all Jews living in Gibraltar full civil rights, in so far as these existed in a garrison governed by military law. When Colonel Kane arrived from Minorca in 1725 to become lieutenant-governor, he recognized a contradiction between Article 7 of the 1721 treaty with Morocco and the provisions of Utrecht and wrote to the Secretary of State on 18 August 1725, pointing this out.38 He repeated his misgivings a number of times, as he felt that the Spaniards would be bound to complain about this breach of Utrecht. However, it was by then obvious that Spain would shortly make another attempt to regain Gibraltar by force and it was important not to upset relations with Morocco; so Kane was instructed that: ?tho' the permitting of Jews to reside in that Town is not strictly conformable to ye Treaty of Utrecht, yet upon the Application that have been made to the King in behalf of those who are now at Gibraltar, whom ye Empr. of Morocco asserts to be his Subjects, His Majty., considering the present circumstances of our Affairs, thinks that without allowing this claim of ye Empr. of Morocco, those Jews being at Gibraltar may for ye present be connived at, &amp; would accordingly have you suspend ye Execution of any Orders that may have been formerly sennt for removing them from thence.'39 When Russell was sent out in 1727 to negotiate alterations to the 1721 treaty he was instructed to have the offending provisions deleted. By then both Ben Hattar and Mulay Ismael were dead and Russell encountered no resistance. The first of the additional articles signed in July 1729 reads: 'That all Moors and Jews subject to the Emperor of Morocco, shall be allowed a free Traffick to buy or sell for Thirty days in the City of Gibraltar or Island 5i</page><page sequence="8">T. M. Benady of Minorca, but not to reside in either Place, to depart with their Effects without let or hindrance to any part of the said Emperor of Morocco's Dominions.'40 This was very satisfactory from the point of view of the British Government, for the discrepancy in their treaty commitments had disappeared. But I have found no record of any instructions being sent to Gibraltar to put the new arrangements into effect. The position locally had indeed evolved to a point that made the presence of Jews vital for the garrison of Gibraltar. After a short and indeterminate siege in 1727, Spain had once again instituted a land blockade. A line {La Linea) was built along the isthmus, to ensure that there was no communication between Gibraltar and the surrounding country? side, which was reinforced by new and extensive fortifications. Under the circumstances, the Moroccan lifeline was indispensable, and a study of popula? tion figures shows that the ten years after the signing of the new articles with Morocco was the period of most intense Jewish immigration into the town.41 In the middle of the 18th century Jews made up a third of the population of Gibraltar. They were not only tolerated but welcomed, and in 1749 they received formal confirmation of all the properties they had leased. Shortly afterwards they were given a charter for maintaining order within the community by Lieutenant General Humphrey Bland. By this stage they were largely of Moroccan origin, but this in no way affected their position. Yet the Secretary of State maintained the fiction that the terms of Article 10 of the Treaty of Utrecht were being fully complied with; and when Captain Milbanke RN was sent out in 1758 to negotiate a new treaty with Morocco, he was instructed: 'to take particular care not to admit any article whereby the Subjects of the Emperor of Morocco may pretend to have any permission to inhabit or dwell in our Town of Gibraltar or in the Island of Minorca (whenever we shall recover possession thereof) such permission being contrary to the Treaty, whereby the said Places were given up to us'.42 At the time there were almost 600 Jews living in Gibraltar, and they were not disturbed. Yet the following year, the governor, Lord Home, exasperated by the long-drawn-out negotiations with the emperor for the release of the crew of HMS Lichfield, which had been wrecked on the Moroccan coast, and fearing that the Jewish intermediaries were being less than helpful, threatened the 'Barbary Jews' residing in Gibraltar, 'that if the prisoners are not soon released, I shall attribute the miscarriage to their mischief here and banish them'. But Captain Barton and the crew of the Lichfield were released six months later and Home took no action. The reference to Minorca was purely gratuitous, as Article 11 of the Treaty of Utrecht, which ceded that island to Britain, carried no mention of Jews. The 1760 treaty was the last in which the Jews were formally prohibited from settling in Gibraltar. Their actions during the great siege of 1779 to 1783 earned them the approval of the authorities and established their right to live in the fortress.43 In any case, by that time they numbered almost 900, of whom more than 600 were native-born subjects.44 52</page><page sequence="9">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean Minorca45 Minorca was ceded to Britain by Article 11 of the Treaty of Utrecht. The situation was very different from that which I described in Gibraltar. Fresh food was available from the local farms or from the Italian coast, and since there was a reservoir of local labour no special openings existed for Jewish immigrants. The Spanish negotiators at Utrecht did not feel it necessary to insert any special exclusion of Jews in Article n, which set out the terms of the Spanish cession.46 A few Jewish merchants made an appearance - much to the horror of the Jurats, the local town council, who wanted them excluded - but Lieutenant Governor Richard Kane would not agree to this as he felt that they contributed significandy to the island's foreign trade.47 The earliest name I have been able to identify is that of Naoftali Busnach, who in 1720 exported four bales of wool from Mahon to Habram Busnach at Leghorn, in the British brig Joan.48 In 1723 Naoftali moved to Algiers and founded an important trading company.49 His grandson, another Naftali, was a partner in the firm of Bacri and Busnach, which at the end of the 18th century was given the monopoly of the export of wheat from that port.50 In the 1740s Abram Busnach was at Valletta, in Malta, where he had a warehouse which served as a meeting place for the Jewish merchants there. As he had a servant, Aaron Acris, born in Gibraltar, it is probable that he had spent some time there, although his name has not been recorded because he did not buy property in Gibraltar. The records of the Malta Inquisition also mention the visit of Moses Busnach, the son of Naftali.51 Although the Busnach family did not settle permanently in Minorca, they continued to have business connections with the island, and in 1780 the 20-year-old Abraham Hay Busnach headed the Mahon branch and owned a ship named Hermosa Raquel.51 Other Jewish merchants had business that took them to Minorca. The list of property owners (given by F. Hernandez Sanz in his article 'La colonia griega en Mahon'53) and the list of Jews from Minorca who had setded in Gibraltar after 1783 (which appears in the 1791 Census) shows that many of the Jews living in the island had Gibraltar connections. It is reasonable to assume that the principal attraction for Jewish merchants was the opportunity to provide supplies for the British forces, particularly when a large fleet was stationed in Port Mahon and the normal sources could not provide the increased amounts of fresh beef required. Jewish merchants would then have arrived from Gibraltar and Algeria to arrange for the import of 'black cattle' from North Africa. It is likely that they became permanent residents during the War of the Austrian Succession (1739-48) since they were obviously well established by the time the French invaded the island in 1756. According to the 1791 Gibraltar census, the widow Peceba Azuelos was born there in 1736, while others born in Minorca before 1760 were Joseph Atal and Abraham de Jacob Alevy. 53</page><page sequence="10">T. M. Benady It is recorded that when the French invaded Minorca fifteen Jews were then in the castle of Saint Philip, of whom eleven took up arms. The Jewish population at the time consisted of a few merchants, some of whom were temporary visitors without their families. But their presence was important. Captain Augustus Hervey pointed out to a Council of War, held on 11 February (two months before the French landing), 'the dangerous consequences of letting all the Jews go off the island at this time, as he was informed most of the principal ones had already taken their passage in a vessel bound to Villa Franca, and that if not prevented, the enemy might be encouraged to attack the island, if they had never intended it, on finding the merchants and people already so alarmed as to desert it; resolved thereon to send for some of the principal Jews, and to lay an embargo on all people and vessels.'54 Their numbers were probably not very great, as during discussion of a loan from the inhabitants in order to defray the expenses of the defence, Captain Hervey calculated that the Jews could afford to lend 12,000 dollars, as compared to 77,600 dollars from the rest of the civilian population. In the event, the Jews came up with 4000 dollars and the other civilians with a further j22j.55 After the capture of the island, all civilians, including the Jews, were forcibly put on transports with the troops and conveyed to Gibraltar.56 A number returned with the Fleet when Minorca was restored by the French under the terms of the Treaty of Paris of 1763; and their number seems to have increased, for in 1766 they decided to abandon the private room hitherto used as a synagogue and to start constructing a special building in Carrer de Nuestra Senora de Gracia.57 There was an immediate outcry from the population of Mahon, and the Jurats wrote to the Vicar General of Minorca: 'In spite of the representations made by your Excellency ... we have learnt that the Hebrew nation has obtained permis? sion from his Britannic Majesty (whom God preserve) to have a public church for their synagogue and other Hebrew rites in the church they have been building for some months past in the Carrer de Nuestra Senora de Gracia; we have resolved in council to advise your Illustrious Excellency of this matter so that you may advise us on what action to take for the protection of our religion and the greatest good of all.'58 The Lieutenant-Governor, Colonel James Johnston, ordered the new synagogue to be closed, as the Jurats claimed that it was contrary to the terms under which Minorca had been ceded. When this order became known, the clergy of Mahon started preaching against the Jewish presence, exhorting the members of their congregations not to trade or have any connection with them.59 The Jews of Mahon then wrote to the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue in London asking them to intercede on their behalf. On the advice of General Howard, the governor of Minorca, who was in London at the time, a petition was presented, in association with the Board of Deputies, to the Duke of Richmond, the Secretary of State for the Southern Department. The reply, which was duly conveyed to Minorca, was that they would be allowed to use the new building 54</page><page sequence="11">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean provided they first applied to the lieutenant-governor for a licence, which would be granted as a favour and not as a right. (This was obviously a formula to countermand Johnston's instructions while saving his face.) When the Mahamad forwarded Richmond's reply to Minorca, they added that there had been complaints about the behaviour of the Jews there and that they should be careful to give no cause for this in future, by ensuring that they con? ducted no business, however profitable, nor gave advice, which was detrimental to the public good, and also that they should not export coin in time of scarcity. They pointed out also that the clipping of coins diminished their value and was a crime, not only against the state but also against their religion and was contrary to Scriptural law.60 The Jews occupied their new synagogue, but opposition did not cease. On 21 April 1767 Johnston wrote to Dr Roig (the Paborde and Vicar General of the island) complaining about the behaviour of the parish priest of Mahon, who threatens with severe penalties those who inhabit with jews, even refusing them absolution, giving them to understand that the communication of Catholicks with Jews is prohibited; one instance of his proceedings is against a young man who lived in Mr. Canzino's house. I cannot persuade myself that so irregular a step, which would be attended with serious consequences, can have been taken by your advice and with your consent, for as this communication is not contrary to the free exercise of the Roman Catholick religion, allowed by His Majesty, I hope you will put a stop to such liberties, for else I cannot avoid henceforward granting my assistance, in order that the Jews settled in Minorca with the permission of my Sovereign, may have the necessaries requisite for human Society. God preserve you many years.61 After this the situation seems to have settled down and the presence of Jews was accepted by the people of Minorca, albeit grudgingly at times. But there were important joint commercial ventures between Jews and Minorcans.62 When Minorca was captured by the Duke de Crillon in 1781, one of his first actions was to expel the Jewish and Greek settlers and transport them in four ships to Marseilles. In his article 'Jews in Minorca under British Rule',63 Cecil Roth quotes a figure of 500 people. He does not mention his source; this was presumably a contemporary periodical and would have been correct. But this has given an exaggerated idea of the size of the Jewish community in Minorca at the time, as it ignores the fact that the Greeks were considerably more numerous than the Jews.64 The total number of Jews in Minorca at the time was probably less than 100, and this figure would have included a number of refugees from Gibraltar. The Jews of Mahon It is possible to compile a list of a number of the Jewish inhabitants of Minorca in 1780 by referring to a variety of sources. First of all there is the list of Jewish property owners compiled by Sanz in La colonia griega.65 55</page><page sequence="12">T. M. Benady The principal property owners were the Cansino family. Isaque Cansino owned two houses in the Camino del Castillo, while Moyses D'Salvador Cansino, who may have been his brother, had a house in the Costa de Day?. There were also two warehouses in Costa de baxo Almar which belonged to 'Senor Cansino', who must have been their father, Joshua (Salvador) Cansino. Joshua was the son of Moses Cansino, who was given a property grant in Gibraltar in 1721.66 In 1749 Joshua was confirmed by a Gibraltar court of enquiry as the legal heir to a property his father-in-law, Isaac del Mar, had bought in Gibraltar in 1738. The Gibraltar court noted that the authority was granted to an attorney as Joshua was resident in Minorca at the time.67 He was an important property owner in Gibraltar, where he owned four houses, which were located in the Parade (now the Piazza), Irish Town, College Lane and Convent Lane.68 He was resident in Minorca in 1781, and must have been among those transported to Marseilles, since he was one of the subscribers to the cemetery bought by Jews there in December 1783.69 In January 1784 he was in Gibraltar with the whole of his family, numbering eleven in all.70 In 1751 Moyses D'Salvador Cansino married Rachel, the daughter of David Abudarham of Gibraltar, in Mahon.71 The 1791 Census shows that his widow was living in Gibraltar with her son Isaac and two younger daughters; all the children had been born in Minorca. The Cansino family had been resident in the presidio of Oran during the 16th and 17th centuries, but had had to leave when the Jews were expelled in 1669. Successive members of the family had been Arabic interpreters to the Spanish crown from at least 1554 until 1666. Jacob ben Haim Cansino, royal interpreter from 1636 until his death in 1666, lived for some years in Madrid after 1625, and was an adviser to the Count-Duke of Olivares, from whom he received a pension. He translated a book entitled Extremos y grandezas de Constantinople writ? ten by Moses Almosnino, from Hebrew into Spanish, and the translation was published in Madrid in 1638. Other members of the family became officers in the Spanish army.72 The family seems later to have been divided between Leghorn and Morocco, presumably for commercial reasons, as they must have been heavily involved in the trade between Morocco and Europe.73 Manuel Delmar, who had a property in Camino de Gracia, was a son of David del Mar and was born in the island. He belonged to another of the families that had settled in both Morocco and Leghorn, and was related to the Busnach family.74 As mentioned before, Isaac del Mar had bought a property in Gibraltar in 1738, which at his death was confirmed by a Gibraltar court as the property of his son-in-law Joshua (Salvador) Cansino. I have not established the exact connection between David and Isaac, but the name is not a common one and they must have been related. According to Cecil Roth, David Delmar arrived in Minorca from Leghorn in 1745.75 Manuel was given a permit of residence in Gibraltar in 1776 and subsequently settled there with his family.76 56</page><page sequence="13">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean Zacarias Galfon, who had a house in Arrevaleta, was assistant agent to the Dey of Algiers.77 The reference to the property owned by 'la Muger den Jac? Ebreo', probably denotes a Jew from Central Europe who did not possess a surname. Gentila Lattes, who had a house in Arrevaleta, belonged to a distinguished Italian family. More Jewish names can be found in the list of shareholders in the privateering xebec Success in 1780.78 In addition to Emanuel (or Manuel) del Mar, there is Sr Salomon Coen. He could be the Solomon Cohen born in Morocco in 1734, who was resident in Gibraltar for many years.79 Sr Jacob Conquy belonged to a family from Amsterdam long settled in Gibraltar, where he was born.80 Sra Raquel Uziel possessed a name common in Gibraltar, though there is no evidence that she had any connection with that place. Probably at least half of the Jews expelled from Minorca subsequently settled in Gibraltar, which they were entitled to do so being considered British subjects, though some went to Algiers and Leghorn. The 1791 Gibraltar census gives us more names of Minorca families: Estrella Atal was a widow born in Gibraltar in 1741, whose two sons were born in Minorca in 1756 and 1765. Abraham de Jacob Alevy, who was born in Minorca and settled in Gibraltar, has been mentioned above. Solomon Bensimra was a tailor born in Minorca in 1771. Sarah Botibol was a widow born in Minorca in 1746, who gave birth to two sons on the island (one was a shoemaker), and to a daughter in Gibraltar after she settled there in 1783. Perla Cohen was born in London, where she married Joseph in 1762. Her eldest daughter was born there in 1763, and she gave birth to three sons (all working as tobacconists) in Minorca between 1764 and 1770. Judah Delmar, born in Minorca in 1769, was a shopkeeper and must have been a younger brother of Manuel. Moses Mequis, merchant, a recent arrival in Gibraltar, was born in Algiers, but his wife Meriam was born in Minorca in 1773. The expulsion from Minorca On 27 August 1781, a week after he landed, the Duke of Crillon issued a pro? clamation that by the laws of Spain and the rights of war he was expelling the Jews. He invoked Articles 10 and 11 of the Treaty of Utrecht, although the first referred to Gibraltar only, and the second contained no reference to Jews. How? ever, when mentioning 'ships of war of the Moors', Article 11 referred to the previous Article and Crillon obviously interpreted this to cover all the other provi? sions of that Article, as had William Pitt twenty-five years before. The proclama? tion laid down that 57</page><page sequence="14">T. M. Benady until events and daily cares allow me to send away all the members of the Hebrew Nation, by arranging ships to carry them where they consider convenient and permitting them to appoint ten of their most skillful individuals so that they should look after the possessions and effects of the rest, and adjust and settle all pending accounts with the Natives of this Island, as well as with the English and all others, I order and command that each head of family should appoint one woman to go out into the streets and markets to buy whatever is necessary for their subsistence and the remaining members of the family should remain prisoners under house arrest in their homes under penalty of hanging and confiscation of their effects .. . .81 As the British garrison at Fort Saint Philip held out for six months, the expulsion of the Jews took over a month to organize. On 13 October a memorandum of thanks was presented to Crillon by the ten members of the Jewish community who had remained behind, in which they thanked Crillon for having terminated their confinement on 1 October in order to allow them to sell their goods and settle their debts 'with no other constraint than the 15 days term in which to conclude them; we have experienced from Y. E. in this Decree as in the others, with which Y. E. assisted the transport and subsistence of those others who were expelled, all the benefits we could expect from the justice, equity and kindness with which Y. E. has dignified yourself to treat us ...They went on to offer a gratuity 'to His Majesty's troops under Y. E's. command of 300,000 Reales de Vellon.' As this amounted to a huge sum, of over ?3000, at a time when they had incurred losses by disposing of their goods through a forced sale, it is possible that pressure had been applied by the officers of lower rank that they were dealing with, to provide a douceur, and they used this method to inform the Captain General. If this was the intention it certainly worked, for Crillon scribbled on the margin: 'After the designated period of fifteen days has expired, in which the Hebrews mentioned in this Memorial must have paid their debts, the Judge Advocate will check and confirm by Public Proclamations, so that they may imme? diately go to the Port of Fornells without their being allowed to make the gift they offer, under any pretext whatsoever, for the reasons why I retained them in this Island was the settlement of their debts so that expulsion of these individuals should not harm the interests of the King's vassals.'82 Among the thirteen men who stayed behind were Moses and Isaac Cansino, Manuel Delmar, Solomon Cohen, Leon Azuelos, Jacob Bedarda, Jacob Villa and Jacob Conquy. David Diaz Carvalho was a Gibraltarian who had taken refuge in the island during the Great Siege. After the siege he became leader of the Gibral? tar Jewish community for some years until Aaron Cardozo took over in 1791. The various members of the Abudarham family (Samuel, Leon and Joaquin, sic) and Jacob Taurel were probably also refugees from the Rock. The period of expansion The last decade of the 18th and first decade of the 19th centuries saw Gibraltar enjoying a period of tremendous economic expansion, as business enjoyed the 58</page><page sequence="15">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean bonanza produced by the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars with France. The Jewish merchants had by then become the backbone of the middle class of Gibral? tar. Merchants from Britain were the most prosperous and controlled most of the trade, but went to the colony to make money. Once they had succeeded they returned home, and did not settle permanendy on the Rock. The Genoese were in the majority in Gibraltar, but at the time were largely working class, though their situation changed completely in the next few years. Large fortunes were made by many, the most important being Judah and Isaac Benoliel and Aaron Cardozo.83 The Jewish merchants of Gibraltar, acting as contractors and suppliers to the British forces, followed them to all parts of the Mediterranean world. One of their achievements was the re-establishment of the Jewish community in Portugal. In the 'Historical Notes on the Jews of Gibraltar' compiled locally, and included in The Seventh Annual Report of the Anglo-Jewish Association for 1877-1878, there is a paragraph which reads: 'Don Moses Levy, a merchant of Gibraltar, was the first Jew who visited Lisbon, at a time when the law for expulsion of the Jews from Portugal was still in force. He visited the capital of Portugal at the special invitation of Count St Vincent, Admiral of the Portuguese fleet. He presented himself as a Jew, and as such he was introduced by his friend Count St Vincent to King Don Juan VI. By special Royal sanction he was permitted to reside in Lisbon.584 A. B. M. Serfaty never saw the Anglo-Jewish Association Report, but in his book, The Jews of Gibraltar under British Rule, he collected a variation of this tradition from the descendants of Moses Levy and Isaac Aboab, and on page 27 he writes: 'A Gibraltar Jew, like the one in Galsworthy's Loyalties, will forgive anything but an insult to his race. Mr. Isaac Aboab gave a further proof of this in 1807 when he and Mr Moses Levy were invited to go to Lisbon by the admiral of the Portuguese fleet who took them in his ship. On arrival these two gentlemen were told that they had to assume names, as Jews were not allowed to enter Lisbon. They refused to disembark under false colours until a safe conduct from Joao, Prince Regent of Portugal, was extended to them and to their six servants.' There are several problems with this account. Firsdy, the Conde de S?o Vicente, Intend? ant of the Portuguese Navy, died in 1791, and his son, who died in 1807, was only a lieutenant; and secondly, Jo?o VI did not take up the reins of government on behalf of his insane mother until 1792. In addition, the date of 1807 is much too late, as there were Jews in Portugal some years before and the Jewish section of the English cemetery at A Estrela dates from 1801.85 The admiral referred to was probably Sir John Jervis, Earl St Vincent, who made Lisbon the main base for the Mediterranean fleet in 1797.86 Levy and Aboab were probably contractors to the fleet, who were taken on board at Gibraltar in order to negotiate the purchase of supplies in Portugal. The Admiral had close connections with a number of Jewish merchants. In 1818 he ended a letter to 59</page><page sequence="16">T. M. Benady Aaron Cardozo with the words: 'with much esteem, Your sincere friend and humble servant'.87 In 1798 Minorca was recaptured and a number of Jewish merchants returned, particularly in the summer of the following year when the island was very full of British troops. This put a strain on food supplies, and fresh beef had to be imported from North Africa as the adjacent Italian coast was in French hands. The passport issued in Gibraltar on 19 August 1799 to Menahem Benady, permit? ting him to go to Minorca, is still extant.88 In later years he moved to Malta, where he died and was buried in the cemetery at Kalkara in 1825.89 Jews from Gibraltar arrived in Malta shortly after it became a British possession in 1800. In October 1804, a hundred 'emigrants' arrived in a convoy from Gibral? tar,90 among them 'many persons of the Jewish persuasion'. The Maltese were unaccustomed to having Jews living freely in their midst, and a few months later there were popular riots which were put down by the authorities.91 The poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who was the Governor's secretary, entered a vigorous defence of the Jews to the chief criminal judge, who was totally bemused that anybody could think of defending the Jews. In a letter to a Jewish friend, written in 1820, Coleridge recounted how 'At Malta, and at the time when the God of your Fathers vouchsafed to make me the poor instrument of preventing an inten? ded massacre of your (and my) unoffending brethren, I read the eleventh Chap? ter - of Paul to the Romans - to the chief Criminal judge, translating it literally into Italian. He . . . was convinced that I had been reading out of some heretical book.'92 In 1815 the community was organized and a 'British Jews Committee' was formed with an elected president, treasurer and secretary. The 'articles' were approved by the Governor, General Sir Thomas Maitland.93 At the time the community was mostly composed of immigrants from Gibraltar, but in the course of the 19th century they were displaced by immigrants from North Africa, mostly Tunis.94 During the whole of this period we find a close relationship between Jews and the British in the area, which worked to their mutual advantage. The Jews, mainly from Morocco, were involved in the important business of supplying the British colonies and forces, and at the same time achieved a considerable improvement in the way they lived. NOTES 1 Jewish religious life in Morocco reflected the Sufi mysticism of the national background, by its devotion to the Kabbala. 2 R. Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations of the English Nation (Everyman's Edition, Dent) 4:161; T. S. Willan, Studies in Elizabethan Foreign Trade (Manchester 1959) 145; Chantal de la Veronne, Tanger sous Voccupation anglaise (Paris 1972) 88. 3 Willan (see n. 2) 127. 4 Ibid. 127-8. 5 Abraham I. Laredo, Les noms des juifs du Maroc (Institute Arias Montano, Madrid 1978) 1036 (item 1012); H. Z. Hirschberg, A History of the Jews of North Africa (Leiden 1974) L437. 6 Ramon Lourido Diaz, Marruecos y el mundo exterior en la segunda mitad del sigh XVIII (Instituto 6o</page><page sequence="17">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean de Cooperation con el Mundo Arabe, Madrid 1989) 99. 7 P. G. Rogers, A History of Anglo-Moroccan Relations to igoo (Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London 1972) 26. 8 Guillermo Gozalbes Busto, Los moriscos en Marruecos (Granada 1992) 21, 26, 208, 218, 242, 246. 9 E. M. G Routh, Tangier (London 1912) 15 10 De la Veronne (see n. 2) 105-16. De la Veronne is of the opinion that the compiler of the anonymous diary that he edits was a Spaniard, but it is more likely that the manuscript that has been preserved was the Spanish translation of notes made by an English visitor to Tangier. 11 H. Z. Hirschberg, 'Relations between Great Britain and Morocco in the 18th Century', Essays presented to Israel Brodie, Chief Rabbi (Jews' College, London 1967) 155-6. 12 Routh (see n. 9) 162, 181, 275. 13 Ibid. 276. After Tangier was recovered by Morocco, a number of years elapsed before a new Jewish community was formed, and the town did not recover its importance as a centre of trade until it replaced Tetuan in 1772 as the residence of foreign consuls in Morocco. 14 PRO, SP.89/18, f. 153. 15 T. M. Benady, 'The Settlement of Jews in Gibraltar, 1704-1783', Trans JHSE XXVI (1979) 88. 16 Benady (see n. 15) 88-9, 95, 100-3. 17 Charles Dalton, English Army Lists and Commission Registers, 1661-1714, 111:238, VI: 180. 18 PRO, SP.89/21, Portmore to Dartmouth, 25 July 1711 NS. 19 BL, Add. MS. 38329, f. 169. 20 Joseph Toledano, Le Temps du Melloh (Edition Ramtol, Jerusalem 1982) 62-3. See also: Laredo (see n. 5) 941; Hirschberg (see n. 5) II:26o-i, 268, 270-1. 21 Sir Joshua Hassan, The Treaty of Utrecht 1713 and the Jews of Gibraltar (JHSE 1970) 3. 22 Dominique Meunier, Le Consulat Anglais a Tetouan (1717-1728) (Tunis 1980) 15. 23 Ibid. 3-6; Rogers (see n. 7) 83-4; Benady (see n. 15) 90-1; PRO, CO.391/27 f. 338 - representation of Samuel and William Winder and others, 8 July 1718. At the time the number of Jews in Gibraltar was given by the Spanish Ambassador to London as 300, with a synagogue in 'calle de Juan de Sierra': Antonio de Bethencourt Massieu, El Catolicismo en Gibraltar durante el sigio XVIII (Universidad de Valladolid 1967) 19. In my 'Settlement of the Jews' (see n. 15) I suggested that this temporary synagogue was in Engineer Lane, but later research shows that this must have been 'la calle que va a la placuela de don Juan Serrano', see Un protocolo notarial de Gibraltar (Diputaci?n de Cadiz 1983) 55, which was Bomb House Lane, see Historia . . . de Gibraltar compuesta por Dn. Alonso Fernandez de Portillo (Ms Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid c 1626) f. 23. 24 Meunier (see n. 22) 30-4; PRO, CO.91/ 5, translation of letter of Ben Hattar to Ben Zephat at Gibraltar, 8 July 1715. 25 See his letter of 27 April 1717 from Meknes to Manuel Dias Arias in Gibraltar in CO.91/5. The strict rules followed by megorashim from Spain in naming children after older members of the family (see Edgar Samuel, 'New light on the Selection of Jewish Children's Names', Trans JHSE XXIII [1969-70] 65-6 and 'Amendment', Trans JHSE XXIV [1975] 172) would indicate that he was the son of Joshua (Salvador), who was probably a younger son of Jacob ben Haim Cansino 'el sabio' (1600-66), whose eldest son was called Haim (Ayen), (see Jonathan Israel, 'The Jews of North Africa', Trans JHSE XXVI [1979] 83). He was probably also the older brother of the Moses who settled in Gibraltar in 1721 and was the founder of the Cansino family of Gibraltar and Minorca. 26 The full text of the petition is given in Benady (see n. 15) 91-2. 27 PRO, SP.71/16, f. 559. 28 PRO, CO.91/7, text of the treaty in Spanish with the Basha's seal; Rogers (see n. 7) 86. 29 PRO, CO.91/7, letter from Mocatta to Paul Docminique, a Lord Commissioner of Trade, dated Gibraltar 3 March 1721. I am indebted to Carlos Posac M?ns for clarifying the background to the expulsion. 30 PRO, SP.71/19, f. 298; Meunier (see n. 22) 33; BL, Add. MS. 3617 ff. 139-55. 31 I am indebted to Dr Eliezer Bashan for drawing my attention to a number of letters written by the Basha to Admiral Cornwall in 1717 which refer to Phineas Netto. These letters are preserved in CO.91/4. 32 The Adventures of Thomas Pellow of Penryn, Mariner (London 1890) 321-2. 33 PRO, SP.71/18, f. 357, petition of William Petticrew, Vice Consul in Tetuan, 4 February 1747 34 Rogers (see n. 7) 109-n; Benady (see n. 15) 105, 109 n.131. 35 PRO, CO.91/30, his petition of 10 September 1783. Aaron Cardozo subsequently married his daughter Esther. 6i</page><page sequence="18">T. M. Benady 36 PRO, CO.91/25, Elliott to Secretary of State, 1 April 1779. 37 Benady (see n. 15) 94. 38 PRO, CO.91/4, f. 123. 39 Hassan (see n. 21) 8. 40 PRO, SP. 108/24. 41 Benady (see n. 15) 96. 42 PRO, SP.71/19, f. 212. William Pitt was wrong: the cession of Minorca (unlike that of Gibraltar) did not insist on the exclusion of Jews. 43 Benady (see n. 15) 103. 44 Benady (see n. 15) 100. 45 The research for this section was carried out jointly with Dr A. Seymour. 46 Pedro Riudavets y Tudury, Historia de la Isla de Menorca (Mahon 1983) n 94-5. Lord Liverpool, A Collection of Treaties between Great Britain and other Powers (3 vols 1785; reprint, New York 1969) IL72. 47 Desmond Gregory, Minorca, the Illusory Prize (Associated University Presses, Cranbury NJ 1990) 102; Riudavets (see n. 46) 1285. There is a reference, probably dating from 1718, in one of Kane's notes in Archbishop Wake's manuscripts at Christ Church, Oxford, that the Roman Catholic clergy were requesting that Jews and Muslims should not be allowed to settle on the island 'notwithstanding that they are born in it' (Epistolae 24, ff. 29-30). 48 Sandra Fornitano Neri, Le N?vi Inglesi a Livorno nella prima metd dell 'yoo, Dissertation University of Pisa (1979) 751-2. 49 Hirschberg (see n. 5) IL29. 50 Ibid. IL30. 51 Derek Davis, 'The Jewish Cemetery at Kalkara, Malta', Trans JHSE XXVIII (1984) 148. 52 Hirschberg (see n. 5) IL29. 53 Revista de Menorca XX (1925). 54 David Erskine, August Hervey's Journal (London 1954) 314. 55 Erskine (see n. 54) 194-5. 56 Gregory (see n. 47) 172. 57 Sanz (see n. 53) 373; R. D. Barnett, 'The Correspondence of the Mahamad of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation of London during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', Trans JHSE XX (1964) 14. The Jewish cemetery was in Sinia des Freginal, see Josep Mascario Pasarius, 'Los Judios de Menorca', Revista de Menorca LXXIV (1983) 276. 58 Sanz (see n. 53) 373. 59 Barnett (see n. 57) 35; PRO, CO.174/1, f. 157 60 The full text of the petition and the Mahamad's letter is given in Barnett (see n. 57) 35-7. The letter does not specify fully the accusations made against the Jews of Minorca, but the common abuses are detailed in Lieutenant-General Humphrey Bland's Regulations for Governing Gibraltar (BL, Lansdowne MS. 1034, ff. 70-80) and consisted of the substitution of the Moroccan copper fluce for the higher valued Spanish ochavo, and the clipping of gold coins. 61 PRO, CO. 174/1, f. 184. 62 F. Hernandez Sanz, 'Un corsario menorqum', Revista de Menorca XIX (1924). 63 Orient and Occident, ed. B. Schindler (London 1936) 496. 64 Sanz (see n. 53). 65 Sanz (see n. 53) document no. 20, 400-2. 66 BL, Add. MS. 36137, ff. 139-55. 67 Gibraltar Government Archives (hereafter GGA), General Bland 's Court of Enquiry into Property Grants in Gibraltar, 174g, f. 120. 68 GGA, 1777 Census. 69 Revue des Etudes Juives XIV (1887) 302. 70 GGA, List of the Jews in town, 16 January 1784. 71 Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem 1971) X:940, plate 2; GGA, 1791 Census. 72 Israel (see n. 25) 83; Laredo (see note 5) 1076-7; J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares (Yale University Press 1986) 300-1. 73 See n. 25, on Jacob de Salvador Cansino. 74 Laredo (see n. 5) 706; Encyclopaedia Judaica IV1536. 75 Roth (see n. 63) 494. 76 GGA, 1791 Census. 77 Hirschberg (see n. 5) 11:29. 78 Sanz (see n. 62) 73. 79 GGA, 1777 Census. 80 In 1745; GGA, 1777 Census. 81 Ram?n Pina Horn, La reincorporacion de la isla de Menorca a la Corona de Espana (Mallorca 1981) 104. 82 Pina (see n.81) 108-9. 83 See T. M. Benady, 'The Jewish Community of Gibraltar', in Sephardi Heritage II (Gibraltar Books, Grendon 1989) 163-7, lll n.29 (list of Jewish-owned privateers). 84 114. 85 A. Pulido Fernandez, Espanoles sin patria (Madrid 1905) 386. 86 Tito Benady, The Royal Navy at Gibraltar (Maritime Books, Liskeard 1992) 97. 87 A. Cardozo, Letters, Testimonial, &amp;c. &amp;c. (London 1830). 88 In the possession of M. S. Benady of Gibraltar. 89 Davis (see n. 51) 163-5. 62</page><page sequence="19">The role of Jews in the British colonies of the Western Mediterranean 90 PRO, CO. 158/15, f. 199, Lt-General Villette to Lord Camden, 26 November 1804. 91 PRO, CO.158/13 67-8, Governor Ball to Rt Hon. William Windham, 28 February 1807; Davis (see n. 51) 157. 92 K. H. Coburn, Notes on the Notebooks of S. T. Coleridge (London 1957) n. 2646. 93 Davis (see n. 51) 158. 94 T. M. Benady, 'Isles de la Mediterranee - Gibraltar, Minorque, Malte', in Les Jfuifs d'Espagne: histoire d'une diaspora 1492?1992, ed. Henry Mechoulan (Liana Levi, Paris 1992) 331. 63</page></plain_text>